Rupert Wieloch

The anniversary of the first American military overseas intervention takes place this week. Six months before the Battle of Trafalgar, the US Marine Corps launched a land attack on the important Ottoman port of Derna. This operation was planned because the crew of the captured frigate, USS Philadelphia had been held hostage in Tripoli for over a year.

The expedition was authorised by the President, Thomas Jefferson, who had been recently re-elected for his second term of office. The marines were commanded by 29 year-old Lieutenant Presley O’Bannon from Virginia, who had also recruited a multicultural force of Greeks and Arabs in Alexandria. Under the overall leadership of the envoy, William Eaton, who had persuaded the brother of the Tripoli Pasha, Hamet Qaramanli to accompany him, they marched 521 miles along the coast, passing the “pretty port of Toubrouk” on the way.

On 27 April, Eaton divided his force into two and co-ordinated fire support with Captain Isaac Hull from the frigate, USS Argus. Hamat Qaramanli approached the port with the Arab force from the west, while the marines attacked the fort from the east. Passing through a shower of musketry, the battle was soon over and the USA flag was raised over a captured city on foreign soil for the first time.

Soon afterwards, a diplomatic solution was agreed with the Pasha in Tripoli and the hostages were released. Meanwhile, the American troops returned home as national heroes and the phrase “To The Shores of Tripoli” was added to the flag of the US Marine Corps.

Today, HRH Prince Edward, Duke of Kent has handed over as Regimental Colonel of the Scots Guards to HRH Prince Edward, Duke of Edinburgh. His record-breaking tenure has seen dramatic changes in the makeup of the regiment with LGBT, beards and women now allowed where once they were banned. However, the best tribute to his achievement is that before he took over, it was unusual for the monarch’s close family to hold the Guards’ colonelcies, now all but one are in the hands of HRH The King’s immediate family.

Sir Allan Adair was Colonel of the Grenadier Guards until 1974 – now it is HRH Queen Camilla; the 3rd Baron Methuen was Scots Guards Regimental Colonel until he handed over to the Duke of York in 1932 – now it is the King’s youngest brother; the Earl of Gowrie was Regimental Colonel of the Welsh Guards until handing over to the late Duke of Edinburgh in 1953 – now it is the HRH Prince of Wales; the Irish Guards did not have a royal Regimental Colonel until 2011 – now it is the the Princess of Wales. The only Guards regiment without a royal regimental colonel is the Coldstream Guards, but perhaps this is understandable because their original loyalty was to Oliver Cromwell.

For my part, I am sad to see the Duke of Kent retire. He held enormous respect in the British Army because he was a professional soldier in his own right, so he could empathise with those serving in the armed forces. In 1998, I had the honour of teaching him how to ride a traditional toboggan in Switzerland. As you can see from the photograph, we were both quite nervous when I launched him into the Cresta Run, but fortunately, he survived unscathed and enjoyed telling me about it later, when he presented me with the Scots Guards Cup.

HRH The Duke of Kent on the Cresta Run

My long involvement with NATO began in 1980 with its extreme cold weather exercise, Anorak Express in Norway and took in the largest Dutch fighting troops tank exercise as well as major Reinforcement of Germany training such as Certain Strike and Iron Hammer. Cold War manoeuvres gave way to peace support operations in the Balkans, partnership for peace in Eastern Europe and security assistance in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya. These were all primarily political deployments, albeit with strong military forces attached to the missions.

The misunderstanding that NATO is purely military stems largely from incorrect media sources such as Britannica and Wikipedia, which fail to explain that it is primarily a political alliance that uses military means as a last resort for the purpose of collective security. Even today, the BBC described NATO as a “military alliance”. This is dangerous on two counts. First, it panders to Putin’s version of the truth about the risks to Russia if Ukraine joins NATO. And second, it promotes the pretence that we can rely on others for our defence, rather than ensuring we have Armed Forces that are capable of operating independently for our own good.

Politics is all about perceptions and I have to admit that I hold a different view to the Secretary General about the “alliance of authoritarian powers” (which sounds like a rehash of the 2001 “axis of evil”). More than 50 countries have not supported the West in their recent foreign affairs’ decisions, including most of Africa and Asia. Does this mean that India, South Africa (and Brazil) are also enemies now, or are we the ones that are missing something?

NATO Allies In Action

Four notable characters feature in both Churchill’s Abandoned Prisoners and Liberating Libya. The first three were a courageous soldier, a distinguished diplomat and a political titan. The soldier, Brian Horrocks, was one of the last British prisoners to be released from Moscow in World War I and then earned an immediate DSO commanding XIII Corps in the western desert during World War II. The diplomat, Miles Lampson (later Lord Killearn), was the last British Consul with Admiral Kolchak in 1920 and the first British Ambassador to Egypt (when the appointment changed from High Commissioner). The politician, Winston Churchill, did more than anyone to secure the release of the prisoners from Moscow and later as Prime Minister, stayed with the Lampsons in Cairo while he met General Horrocks for the first time (and then told Monty to sack him).

The fourth character was, however, more prominent in both books through the strength of his “ready pen”. Francis McCullagh was heralded by the great newspaper editor, WT Stead, as having “a potent influence of the policy of Great Britain”. He was a worthy successor to William Howard Russell and could be described as the finest War Correspondent of his generation. His influential writings about Bolshevik Russia and Italian Libya are extraordinarily powerful, but what sets him apart are his “fearless spirit” and intrepid adventures in Tripoli and Moscow. These culminated with his arrest, torture and interrogation in Lubyanka by the Tcheka during the Easter weekend of 1920. For those thinking of Evan Gershkovich at this time, Francis McCullough provides some hope and inspiration for a happy ending.

Francis McCullagh in Russia

Easter Week not only marks the most important time in the Christian calendar, but also one of the most important events in World War II, the Siege of Tobruk. This small Libyan port had been fortified extensively by Mussolini during the Italian occupation, but was captured by the dashing Richard O’Connor on 21 January 1941. However, after O’Connor departed from the Western Desert, the Allies overextended themselves and Erwin Rommel swept them out of Libya – apart from the Australian 9th Division, based within the 16 mile perimeter of Tobruk.

On Easter Tuesday, the Commander-in-Chief, General Wavell, flew to the enclave after conferring with the Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, who was in Cairo attempting to pull together a Balkan Alliance. Wavell was met by Brigadier John Harding (later Chief of the General Staff) and Major General Leslie Morshead who persuaded the CINC, as they toured the fortifications, that Tobruk could be held. That evening, Wavell walked into the Garrison Mess and recognised George Whittaker behind the bar (made famous in the book To War With Whittaker). The General said that he was sorry His Lordship was missing and bought Whittaker and each of the other stewards a whisky before heading back to Cairo.

Two days later, Rommel launched a devastating assault that continued throughout the Easter weekend. The result was victory for the Southern Hemisphere (with some help from the Royal Horse Artillery) and a thoroughly deserved posthumous Victoria Cross for Corporal John Edmondson from Wagga Wagga, who died of his wounds after saving the life of his sergeant on Easter Sunday. He is buried in Tobruk war cemetery with over 2,000 other Allied soldiers.

After the war, the media quickly forgot about the strategic importance of this action. However, the Easter battle was inspirational because it showed for the first time in the war, that the Blitzkrieg could be defeated. In many ways, the siege was a microcosm of the whole war and the successful resistance against all odds encouraged millions of British citizens who followed it avidly on the radio and in newspapers at a very difficult time for the country. It seems to me that in 2024, when industrial war continues to shape the world, the spirit of resistance witnessed in Tobruk remains as relevant as ever.

Australian Memorial at Tobruk

1916 was a very bad year for the Allies in World War I, but on St Patrick’s Day that year there was some good news from the Libyan desert. Before the streaks of sunshine rose in the East, the second Duke of Westminster led a convoy of 43 vehicles into the barren Sahara in search of a hundred Royal Navy Prisoners of War held by the Sanussi Army. The determined Duke began at a speed of 40 miles per hour, but by midday, his progress had slowed to 12 mph due to punctures and navigation halts. After 80 miles, of doubt and uncertainty, they eventually arrived at Bir Hakeim to find the emaciated prisoners and their fox-terrier pup, Paddy.

The Commander of the Western Frontier Force, Major General William Peyton, wrote a Victoria Cross citation for the Duke (and for Hugh Souter who had attacked an Ottoman machine gun force in February) but these were downgraded to DSOs in London. Peyton petitioned the King and Lord Kitchener on behalf of the two officers, but was told that the Army in France was very jealous of honours given elsewhere and the fact they were not regular officers did not help them. For his trouble, Peyton was subsequently sent to France as Field Marshal Haig’s Military Secretary!

The Public Accounts Committee and National Audit Office are, to my mind, the most important voices of reason when it comes to assessing Government policy and decision making. So when the PAC suggested, after the Budget this week, that the government does not have a credible plan to fund the MoD and pointed to a black hole in defence spending, we should take notice because the lives of our soldiers, sailors and air personnel are at stake.

But what was not clear was whether the chairwoman of the cross-party PAC was blaming the government, or the MoD. Most of the programmed money for the Armed Forces is allocated to Defence Equipment, but a large chunk is spent on infrastructure, information technology and training individuals and formations. Capability, which is what the tax-payer funds each year, is not just about ships, aircraft, tanks and missiles; it also includes the complex concept of readiness, i.e. what do we have in the locker for various scenarios with extended timelines. This concept is based on the UK’s secret Defence Planning Assumptions.

Sadly, these assumptions are flawed in several ways. For example, there is the forlorn hope that NATO Allies will fill British gaps if the balloon goes up. Other fallacies include the idea that reserves will come to the rescue of regular formations and that Defence Industry can ramp-up supply overnight. But perhaps the most deluded assumption can be summarised as “it will be over by Christmas”. One thing the wars in Ukraine, Afghanistan and Gaza have demonstrated is that modern wars need long term commitment and to succeed, you have to think beyond the day after tomorrow.

Combined Services Planning Team – Thinking Beyond Tomorrow

Twice in the past two months, the British Army has attempted to raise the profile of Defence Spending with off the record briefings by senior retired officers, but sadly I don’t expect their efforts to be rewarded this week.

In the battle for local council funding, health, social care and education, energy, transport and housing, the plight of the armed forces appears to languish at the bottom of voters’ priorities. Before 9/11, I spent 18 months touring the country explaining to audiences made up of local opinion formers how tax-payers money was being used. That digital presentation, which was based on real-life experiences, opened eyes to an exciting world that people didn’t know about. The feedback (which was monitored independently) revealed that the subtle messaging managed to persuade many civilian gatekeepers and local media correspondents to support the armed forces in the battle for funding.

A recent newspaper article suggested that due to reductions in the past decade, the British Army is no longer rated as first class by the USA. This sad fact is not disputed, but neither is it likely to make any difference this week when the focus of the Chancellor is on tax cuts and domestic issues. As we look through our binoculars at the coming budget, any uplift is likely to be put towards Security assets, rather than military hardware and as ever, the devil will be in the detail…

One of the big puzzles about the British involvement in Siberia in 1918 is whether there was a higher purpose than defeating Prussia and helping those who had fought on the Eastern Front. The initial British reconnaissance mission, led by Colonel Josiah Wedgewood DSO, recommended that any involvement to assist the British refugees fleeing from the Red Terror should be conducted through the formal Anglo-Japanes treaty. The subsequent landing of a Royal Marine detachment (under Japanese command) to facilitate this humanitarian assistance and the arrival of a further scoping mission led eventually to a medium scale operation, which was divided into six parts: logistics (delivering millions of tonnes of war equipment to the White Army); medical (assisting in countering epidemic typhus); the railway mission (helping to secure and operate the Trans-Siberian Railway); training (in military acadamies, schools and formations such as the Jaeger Artillery Brigade and Anglo-Russian Infantry Brigade); fire support (such as the Royal Navy Guns commanded by Tom Jameson on the Kama river); and military intelligence.

Given the scale of the campaign, it is not surprising that some academics have suggested that there was a higher purpose to separate Siberia from Russia, but I have found little material in London archives to support this theory. There is much more evidence to suggest that the higher purpose was the same reason that the West now supports Ukraine in their efforts i.e. the British government’s hatred of military authoritarianism. They knew about this state of affairs because several Russian and British liaison officers, who served together on the Eastern Front, were involved in the Siberian Military Intelligence mission.

The MI imperative can be seen from the instructions to the Senior British Military Commander, Major General Sir Alfred Knox, which are shown in the document below. This reveals that the first group of British officers to travel to Siberia included three Russians: Henry Kartchkal Peacock had lived in Siberia for eight years and was well-versed in its culture (he was awarded an MBE in the Siberian Honours); William Gerhadi (awarded an OBE for his work as Knox’s aide), was later described by Evelyn Waugh in the highest terms: “I have talent, but you have genius”. The third member of this group, Captain Leo Steveni (awarded an OBE in the Siberian Honours), arrived in May and was already working with the White Russians when this document wes sent. Steveni’s unpublished memoir in the King’s College London Liddell Hart Collection was a vital source for my book.

The sad death of Alexei Navalny in a Siberian prison highlights the brutal way political prisoners are treated in Russia, but this is not new. The death rate has always been high and reached a peak after the Head of the Secret Police, Felix Dzerzhinsky, developed the Nackenschuss technique in 1918, which caused instant death and avoided the loss of much blood. A full understanding of how this was used to govern the Soviet Union can be found in George Popov’s 1925 book The Tcheka: The Red Inquisition.

The Foreign Office Committee to Collect Information on Russia interviewed many of the prisoners who returned from Moscow in 1920 and published a comprehensive report that can be found in the Archives of Nuffield College, Oxford. The cross-party committee included the Conservative MP for Bassetlaw, the Liberal MP for Middleton and Prestwich and the Labour MP for Rhondda East. The Committee concluded that although the treatment of the British captives was appalling, it was better than the conditions endured by Russian political prisoners who were routinely tortured and killed.